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Have you ever watched a scene in a film
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that stays with you for years?
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For me this happened with this movie,
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And what's funny is I don't like the whole film,
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it's just this one scene
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And I find myself thinking about it a lot these days.
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In order to tell you what I mean
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first I have to tell you about the first time
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I discovered this film.
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This was back in 2018.
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I was sitting in a bar in Beirut with some friends.
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Projected onto one of the walls of this bar
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was a film played without sound
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I didn't pay much attention to it
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it just looked like some whatever film.
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Until I became aware of a brooding figure
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standing completely still.
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I found myself growing increasingly curious.
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And then he spoke.
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I was honestly kind of shocked because
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this isn't just some character in some whatever film
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this is Mahmoud Darwish, the Palestinian poet
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I remember so well I turned to my friends
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and I told this to them
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but they were absorbed in some other conversation
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so I remember turning back to the film
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and focusing on it and trying to absorb
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everything he was about to say.
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If I'm honest at the time I had no idea
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what he was talking about
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But I had this great impression that he was saying something
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profound
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something that I couldn't even make sense of
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at the moment and before I could make any attempts at it
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he continued.
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I rushed back home that night
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and frantically searched for the film
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it didn't take me long 'Notre Musique'
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Jean Luc Goddard, 2004.
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I found the film online I watched
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discovered that I didn't actually
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like the film but I rewatched the clip
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several times and transcribed Mahmoud Darwish's words
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And then I basically spent the next few years
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thinking about what
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what it all means.
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Although I never fully stopped thinking
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about this film and that scene and its implications.
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the last 10 months of barbaric violence
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by the state of Israel
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in the form of Genocide, Aggression,
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and Settler Colonialism, has definitely made
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thinking about stories and poetry and
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narratives feel a little unnecessary
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or at least not the most pressing thing.
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But I was recently reminded of the centrality
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of storytelling and of stories
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in the Palestinian struggle for liberation
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when I watched this Ted Talk from 2014.
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Stories are also
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important in our lives as
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Palestinians as people under occupation
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as native peoples on this land not only
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because they make us they shape us they
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make us the people we are
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but also because they connect us with
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our past they connect us with other with
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our present and they prepare
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prepare us to the future.
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For those that don't know who that was that was
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that was the martyr poet, Refaat al-Areer,
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who was assassinated by the Israelis
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on December the 6th 2023.
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He's possibly best known for writing the poem
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'If I Must Die' which has become an anthem
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of sorts.
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His words, and indeed, his whole story
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really reminds me of what Darwish was talking about
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when he was talking about Trojan poets.
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I think the story and the poetry
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that both men were talking about
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can both be understood literally and metaphorically.
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That is I think they're both actual stories
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that Palestinians tell,
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but also the story of Palestine as a whole.
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It has become painfully clear
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that the state of Israel its government
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its institutions and substantial
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significant portion of its population
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don't consider Palestinians to be human.
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And in many ways the western states
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institutions, media organizations,
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and also large parts of their societies as well,
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don't either.
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And so if you don't think
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these people have a right to live
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then you also don't believe that they
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have a right to narrate their lives.
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It is important to note
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that most formerly colonized societies
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have already for decades stood in solidarity
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with the Palestinian struggle for liberation,
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I'll pull up just one example of this here
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which is a general assembly resolution
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from 1974 and you can see the splits pretty clear.
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But only more recently is there a
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new welcoming development which is that
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there is more discussions and
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mobilizations and actions in the global North,
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in the Metropole,
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the imperial centers in support of Palestinian liberation
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and struggles against occupation and now Genocide.
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But that shift has yet to reach spaces with
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institutional power or influence.
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I do think stories and narratives do still
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play a huge role.
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This is what I think Darwish
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was referring to when he talked about
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poetry as an instrument of power.
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I think the story of Zionism has always appealed
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more to the powerful, to the industrialised
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imperialist West, much more so than the
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Palestinian Story, the indigenous, native story.
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In many ways that colonial story
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is the European story. Europe created and
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nurtured that story long before the
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Zionist movement even began to form.
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It's a story that I think Europe and its extensions,
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have never really
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disentangled themselves from
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both ideologically and materially.
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And I think that hideous face that barbaric violence
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of that era is really showing its face once again.
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But like all colonized people
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Palestinians have always offered their resistance,
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in many ways, including armed struggle,
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but also through telling and retelling their stories.
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And maybe for the first time,
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in part because of social media,
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many people and here I mean in the Global North,
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are understanding Palestine
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from the mouth of the Palestinian.
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There is with that a need to re-examine
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and revisit the hegemonic narratives on
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Zionism, on Palestine, because those
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narratives still exist and they still
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hold tremendous institutional weight.
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And at the same time the counter-hegemonic
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narratives don't have that same
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institutional backing.
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Edward Said, the Palestinian scholar and theorist,
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put it very well in this interview
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with a very young Salman Rushdie.
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There seems to be nothing in the world
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that sustains the story that keeps it there.
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In other words unless you're telling it
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it's just going to drop and and
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disappear sort of like Shahrazad.
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So it needs to be perpetually told
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in order to exist?
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Whereas you feel that the other narratives
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are there and they're kind of permanent
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and they're you know sort of uh
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uh they have a kind of institutional existence.
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and you have to just try and work away at them.
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Seen in this way
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stories can have a subversive aspect to them.
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They can be counter-hegemonic and in some ways they
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can be a site of resistance in and of themselves.
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Now Edward Said warns of this
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if we stop caring about stories if we stop
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telling our stories if we stop listening
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to our parents we create space we create
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vacuum for others to occupy this
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virtual space in our past in our heart.
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I wanted to play at least a couple of clips from
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that Ted talk because I think Refaat's stories
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is such an embodiment of what he was saying
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The Israelis want to kill the
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story and in order to try to do that
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they kill the storyteller but as
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Palestinians have shown they can never
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kill the story.
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They have done this for decades,
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and indeed every genocidal
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regime has done this.
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Because if you want to kill a people,
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you have to kill the story of those people.
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And that's why every genocide
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has always included the
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mass killing of writers, academics,
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scholars, and poets.
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Palestinians know this has always
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been an aspect of Zionism.
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And that's why Palestinian elders always indicate that ...
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telling and retelling their stories is a
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task that every Palestinian indeed every
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colonized person holds incredibly close.
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But I think it would be a mistake to
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simply typecast the colonized or the Subaltern if you will.
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In other words, I don't think its enough
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to understand their situation, even if understanding it
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from them themselves but rather I think
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we should all constantly attempt to
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understand the structures and histories
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we all live under
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from their perspectives as well.
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That is, not simply to understand the colonies
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from the colonized but also to understand the
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center, or the Metropole, from them as well.
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I think this is basically just a
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shorthand description of what
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post-colonialism is.
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The American writer Tony Morrison sums this up
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very concisely as well.
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Or put even more concisely.
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Here are two notes on the
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terms that I'll be using before I start
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the video proper.
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For the first part I will be talking a lot about victimized
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and marginalized and oppressed people.
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By this I definitely do not mean victims
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are static people who lack any agency
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The complete opposite.
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I think people who are victimized under certain structures
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of domination actually hold
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an incredible amount of knowledge and
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awareness of those structures.
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And that awareness, I think, is something that all
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of us can benefit from.
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As bell hooks says
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in this essay entitled 'Marginality as a Site of Resistance'
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And secondly I will be talking a lot about Zionism
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And by Zionism, I don't mean a historical movement
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way back when.
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No. Zionism is what is happening today it is what is still
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unfolding to this present moment.
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It is also the framework that connects the
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genocide in Gaza with the Settler Colonial
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campaign in the West Bank with the
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Israeli aggression on Lebanon and with
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the attachment to Western imperialist
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interests and why western states are so
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heavily backing this rogue colonial regime.
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And I really think you cannot understand the
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current genocide in Gaza without first understanding
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the Nakba of 1948, and you can't really understand
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the Nakba without understanding Zionism,
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and I hate to add a third one,
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but I don't think you can fully understand
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Zionism without understanding colonialism.
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So what I'm going to do in this video
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is not present two equal narratives,
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because in no way are they equal.
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Rather I'm going to try to present
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in part
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the counter-hegemonic narratives of
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Zionism that are produced in its margins
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by its victims and its resistors.
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Even with everything going on today,
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the task of telling and retelling
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this history and these narratives from
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the Palestinian standpoint is something
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that Palestinians are still taking on
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even amidst genocide.
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I found it incredibly powerful that
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after 6 months of surviving and
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documenting genocide, herself now
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displaced an a tent in Rafah, that Bisan would
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return to her original passion
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storytelling.
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I also found it equally telling
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that the story she decided to tell,
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in the moment that she had the
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briefest space away from the urgency
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of her current situation was the story of
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Gaza, its history, and its encounters, and
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resistance against numerous occupying forces.
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Again what's more is hearing her
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recount this history is incredible
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because she cuts through so much propaganda.
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It reminds me of this little clip
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from Rashid Khalidi, the Palestinian academic and writer.
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Older people inside Palestine in the
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refugee camps and in the larger diaspora
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Palestinian diaspora talk of the British
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or the Israelis or the Americans in
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almost the same breath as if they're
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different faces of the same foe
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in other words they see things more clearly than
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a lot of Scholars.
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I don't know why he
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emphasizes older people because as we'll
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see with Bisan, the same understanding exists.
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So after going through the long history
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and Heritage of Gaza, Bisan enters
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the modern era with the end of the first
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World War and the collapse of the Ottoman Empire.
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See what I mean? I mean I come from Lebanon
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and the amount of times that
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I've heard that the mandates weren't
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colonialism that they were just trying
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to help us and get us ready for
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democracy complete [ __ ] it was
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colonialism pure and simple it was
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backed by incredible amounts of force it
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was heavily opposed by local
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populations and it was just colonialism
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In 2002 the Indian writer Arundhati Roy
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gave a speech entitled 'Come September'.
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where she recounts this history as well.
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On the 11th of September 1922
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ignoring Arab outrage the British
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government proclaimed a mandate in Palestine,
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a followup to the 1917 Balfour Declaration
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which Imperial Britain
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issued with its Army massed outside the
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gates of Gaza.
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The Balfour declaration promised European
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zionists a national home for Jewish people.
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At the time the Empire on which
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the Sun never set was free to snatch and
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bequeath national homes
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like a school bully distributes marbles.
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As for the idea that
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these mandates had anything to do with
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helping the local population, here's
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Arthur Balfour himself, the writer of the
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Balfour Declaration, and the foreign minister
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of the UK at the time.
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Not to flood this part with citations
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but there's also this from the
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same speech by Arundhati Roy.
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In 1937 Winston Churchill said
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of the Palestinians I quote
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" I do not agree that the dog in a manger
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has the final right to the manger
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even though he he may have
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lain there for a very long time, I do not
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admit that right I do not admit for
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instance that a great wrong has been
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done to the red Indians of America or
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the black people of Australia I do not
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admit that a wrong has been done to
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these people by the fact that a stronger
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race a higher grade race a more worldly
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wise race to put it that way has come in
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and taken their place.
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This is Winston Churchill.
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This is someone who is still
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incredibly highly venerated and is
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almost blasphemic to say anything about him
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in the UK. He has a statue outside of
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parliament his face is on the British
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pound this is precisely what I mean when
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I say that Europe has never gotten over
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moved past or been held accountable for
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its long legacy of colonialism and the
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fascism that it breeds.
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So this is the setting of the scene and with the
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British control of Palestine they begin
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to assist the European zionists in
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building a national Homeland for all the
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world's Jewish people in Palestine.
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But why?
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If anyone thinks that this sounds like
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conspiracy thinking this is precisely
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how Theodor Herzl, the founder of the
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modern Zionist movement, envisioned the
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Jewish state. In his Manifesto in 1896 he wrote this:
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By the way that wasn't real footage it was
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It was from this ridiculous 1921 biopic about
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about the man.
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Which also includes this image.
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Yikes!
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Like they say a thousand words
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But yes this isn't just anybody I haven't
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selected some random preacher with
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Kookie ideas this guy's ideas and
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planning and organizing was foundational
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to the early formations of the Zionist
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movement, he is also someone who is still
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held incredibly close in the state of Israel.
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They literally have a mountain
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named after him where they bury their
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notables, politicians, soldiers, whatever.
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This guy is foundational
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and in many ways what he
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set out to do is what is still taking place.
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And in his writing's you notice that
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he doesn't so much as mention the
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Palestinians the native population of
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the land that he was planning on
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colonizing and although that sounds a
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bit strange it's actually kind of
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canonical for colonial thinking.
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The natives don't matter and they only
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matter in so far as they are a nuisance
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that needs to be mitigated.
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To that end,
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Herzl does write this in his Diaries
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Zionism is and always has been a
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colonial project and with that comes a
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complete de-humanization and contempt for
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the native who literally does not
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deserve the land that they stand on.
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It feels almost like she's asking
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very similar questions to the ones that
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Darwish was asking, or rather I think
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she's asking questions that Darwish was
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answering with his questions.
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That sounds a bit confusing to explain what I mean
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let's take a look at this very early
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Zionist propaganda film from 1935
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entitled 'The Land of Promise'
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The film depicts Palestine from the
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perspective of the Zionist colonizer and
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essentially can be read as a visual text
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declaring and depicting the
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righteousness of the Zionist project.
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It starts with scenes of un-civilized
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natives, primitive, backwards.
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The local population have let
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the land decay, it is wasted on them.
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Then we see scenes of Jewish settlers
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modern
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productive
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civilized.
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With shots taken straight from
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Soviet era Cinema, the juxtaposition is clear.
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And with the most modern machinery
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the Jews are bringing back to Palestine
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it's long neglect fruitfulness.
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The film ends
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with this charter calling for funding for
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immigration and colonization.
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The thesis of the film is as follows:
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we deserve the land because we
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can make better use of it.
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This logic is as old as colonialism itself.
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In this specific case the
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Zionist claims of making the desert bloom
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can be dismissed by listening to
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Palestinians who were there before they expelled.
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Oral history is of course crucial in
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understanding this history in providing
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counter hedonic narratives but also
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to re-center the exact same voices who
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have been so heavily marginalized and
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dispossessed by Zionism .
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But what's also hidden within these narratives is the
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tremendous amounts of violence that's
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needed to uphold one and erase the other.
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During the 1948 War, during the Nakba in specific,
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Zionist forces not only
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expelled upwards of 800,000 Palestinians
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from Palestine they also destroyed
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hundreds of villages, razed them, and
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planted over them to remove their traces.
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They destroyed libraries, archives, any trace
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of Palestinian existence on that land.
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Moshe Dayan, a Zionist militant and
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defense minister of the state of Israel,
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said this in 1969:
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No longer exist is a euphemism
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for we destroyed them and try
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as they might the Israelis have never
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been able to kill the story one.
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One fascinating and depressing example of this
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is the Palestine Research Center in Beirut.
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It was founded in 1965 just one
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year after the PLO was founded.
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The Palestine Research Center was a place
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where knowledge was created where texts
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and films were archived, they had at the
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height about 25,000 different volumes in
00:28:29
their archives they also published a
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bimonthly Magazine on Palestine and
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Palestinian affairs.
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They also published dozens of books.
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And I actually have an example of
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one right here. This is the first book
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they published by Fayez Sayegh
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called Zionist colonialism in Palestine.
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The building that the PRC was
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in had a printing press an archive and
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was a space to understand and learn and
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disseminate knowledge on Palestine on
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Zionism on European colonialism and
00:29:04
American imperialism and just so much more.
00:29:08
I said this was a depressing story
00:29:11
because well in 1982 Israel invaded
00:29:14
Lebanon and invaded and besieged Beirut
00:29:17
The building that housed the Palestine
00:29:19
Research Center was bombed and looted by
00:29:23
the Israelis and by their fascist
00:29:25
Christian militia collaborators in Beirut
00:29:28
The archives were looted and many of the
00:29:31
possessions are now to be found in an
00:29:33
archive unit in Tel Abib.
00:29:36
That experiment was cut short and
00:29:39
is yet again another example of how the
00:29:41
Zionists try to kill the story by
00:29:44
killing the storyteller by literally
00:29:46
bombing the printing press.
00:29:48
But obviously things have changed since then/
00:29:50
In 1979
00:29:51
Edward Said lamented that:
00:30:02
But I don't think that is the
00:30:03
case anymore with books like the
00:30:05
100-year war on Palestine by Rashid Khalidi
00:30:08
or The Ethnic Cleansing of Palestine
00:30:11
by Ilan Pappe, as well as countless essays on
00:30:14
Palestine and on Zionism by non-zionist
00:30:18
sources there is definitely now more
00:30:20
than ever an abundance of academic
00:30:23
literature and scholarship on the topic.
00:30:26
But much more important I think is in
00:30:28
the music, the poetry, and the films, which
00:30:30
Palestinians have turned to especially
00:30:34
since the first intifada.
00:30:51
One of the most interesting examples
00:30:52
of this new Palestinian Cinema
00:30:54
is Elia Suleiman's 2009 film 'The Time That Remains'
00:31:05
After a prologue depicting the 1948 Nakba
00:31:09
the film has three parts showing three parts
00:31:11
showing three stages of Elia Suleiman's life
00:31:15
In the 70s after the defeat of
00:31:17
Arab Nationalism in '67.
00:31:22
In the 80s leading up to the first intifada
00:31:28
and in the mid 2000s when the film was shot.
00:31:37
Although the whole film is illuminating
00:31:39
in its visual metaphors.
00:31:43
The prologue is the part that stands out the most to me.
00:31:49
Not only through its depictions of
00:31:52
the lives and stories that were ruptured
00:31:54
by the violence and expulsions of the
00:31:57
1948 Nakba, but also with this depiction
00:32:01
of Zionist brutality and criminality.
00:32:05
This scene in specific.
00:32:16
Although fiction, this scene
00:32:19
captures a truth that subverts the
00:32:21
official narratives that the state of
00:32:23
Israel maintains to this day; that the
00:32:26
mass expulsions of '48, of the Nakba,
00:32:29
happened as a result of a chaos of war
00:32:32
that Arab leaders told people to flee
00:32:35
that the 1948 war was one for survival.
00:32:39
All lies.
00:32:47
I recognize of course that I have
00:32:49
yet to speak of why Zionism came about
00:32:51
to begin with, why Jews in Europe felt
00:32:55
the need to flee why they indeed were
00:32:58
already fleeing even before Zionism was invented.
00:33:02
That is the deep brutal and
00:33:05
genocidal white supremacy in the form of
00:33:09
anti-Semitism that spurred on this
00:33:12
movement to begin with. Indeed if you
00:33:14
were to read Theodor Herzl's Manifesto, you
00:33:17
get a sense of two distinct parts: the first
00:33:19
part outlines in great detail the
00:33:23
real persecution of Jews by white
00:33:26
Europeans and then the second part a
00:33:29
plan to colonize another land in order
00:33:32
to seek safety over there, which feels
00:33:34
like a morbid non-sequitur. And it's that same
00:33:38
morbid non-sequitur that is so apparent
00:33:41
whenever this discourse comes about
00:33:43
whenever you hear people from the US or
00:33:45
the UK or Germany defend their decision
00:33:48
to send more weapons to the state of
00:33:51
Israel in this moment of genocide. and
00:33:54
And here again Edward Said's words are incredibly helpful:
00:34:29
I've been borrowing quite a bit
00:34:30
from Edward Said in this video
00:34:32
and specifically that one
00:34:34
essay not because there aren't any other
00:34:37
essays on the topic. I do so for two
00:34:40
reasons: one is because it's a
00:34:43
foundational essay it still really holds
00:34:46
up and I think it may be one of the
00:34:49
first examples of an essay doing what it
00:34:53
suggests in the title giving an account
00:34:55
of Zionism from the standpoint of its victims,
00:34:58
specifically in the English-speaking
00:35:01
Western world, but also it's kind of
00:35:04
haunting because when you read it it's
00:35:07
scary how many of the discourses that he
00:35:10
names that we are still having and still
00:35:12
encountering to this day.
00:35:14
For instance,
00:35:15
his need to respond preemptively to
00:35:18
accusations of
00:35:19
anti-Semitism or his insistence that the
00:35:22
Nakba did happen set against a hegemonic
00:35:25
narrative of essentially Nakba Denialism
00:35:29
and that the refugees that it created
00:35:31
still exist and in violation of
00:35:34
international law are not allowed to
00:35:36
return, or the fact that his need to
00:35:40
argue that Zionism is a European
00:35:43
Colonial movement and mostly one of the
00:35:45
most important things he names in this essay
00:35:49
incredibly very early on is that
00:35:51
Zionism is the main obstacle is the main
00:35:55
force that is preventing anything that
00:35:59
resembles peace or a resolution to the
00:36:02
so-called conflict. Another reason that
00:36:04
I'm using Edward Sid a lot in this essay
00:36:07
is because he really has a unique
00:36:09
positionality to connect Palestine to
00:36:12
the larger and longer history of
00:36:15
European colonialism and imperialism.
00:36:18
I think those connections are really
00:36:19
important especially in a time when we
00:36:22
see colonial violence everywhere or
00:36:25
situations that are a result of
00:36:28
colonialism and in which our movements
00:36:31
in response need to also be
00:36:33
anti-colonial in a very real sense that
00:36:35
connects all of these struggles and
00:36:38
understands the roots of not just the
00:36:40
situation in Palestine but also in the
00:36:41
Congo and in Sudan and across the entire
00:36:46
Global South.
00:36:47
But here I have to admit something.
00:36:49
I didn't play the full clip of
00:36:51
Mahmoud Darwish in the film 'Notre Musique'
00:36:54
There is one last bit of it that I hesitate to play
00:36:59
because I know that it can be very
00:37:02
very cynically misinterpreted.
00:37:04
But I think it's
00:37:05
incredibly powerful and I think even
00:37:08
more enigmatic than the other clips that
00:37:10
the other clips that I played.
00:38:22
There are so many ways to interpret that, I think
00:38:26
I don't think he's talking about
00:38:28
the average person who is mobilizing or
00:38:31
organizing to stop this current genocide
00:38:34
or indeed for a longer history to stop
00:38:36
the colonial project of Zionism.
00:38:38
Some read into it the idea of white guilt the
00:38:41
idea that states like Germany are so
00:38:44
heavily defending the state of Israel
00:38:47
even in this moment of genocide out of a
00:38:49
sense of historical duty of almost like
00:38:51
reparations for their vile white-supremacist
00:38:57
genocidal anti-Semitism.
00:38:59
Early Zionist thinkers such as Herzl did describe Zionism as
00:39:04
an antidote to European anti-semitism
00:39:08
Interestingly enough, here's a quote from
00:39:10
Arthur Balfour, who although an avid zionist
00:39:15
is also a raging anti-semite himself.
00:39:38
Here I think we see why
00:39:41
the idea of "Jewish problem" is incredibly
00:39:45
racist and confused.
00:39:47
What I think its describing is the white-supremacist problem.
00:39:51
European states in particular
00:39:54
seek redemption from the state of Israel
00:39:57
without having to do their own soul
00:39:59
searching or dismantling of their white-supremacy.
00:40:03
I think a large reason why
00:40:05
fascism is in ascendance in the US and
00:40:08
in Europe is because there has never
00:40:10
really been a reckoning with colonialism.
00:40:13
And in many ways colonialism never
00:40:16
really ended, not just through these
00:40:19
barbaric examples like the state of Israel,
00:40:21
or the smaller island nations
00:40:24
that France and Spain and the UK still
00:40:26
possess but also through neocolonial
00:40:30
institutions like the IMF and the World Bank.
00:40:34
But that's probably a different video essay.
00:40:36
Here I think postcolonial
00:40:38
writers have a lot to say for instance
00:40:41
this quote by American sociologist W.E.B. Dubois:
00:41:11
In many ways fascism in Europe is
00:41:13
colonialism brought home and there's
00:41:15
never been any accountability for
00:41:17
colonialism.
00:41:19
This long history is not
00:41:21
something that just happened over there
00:41:23
it has formed and reformed the European
00:41:26
identity in terrifying ways as M notes
00:41:29
As Aime Cesaire notes:
00:42:07
When Fanon wrote in
00:42:09
1961 that there is yet to be a single
00:42:12
French soldier indicted in front of a
00:42:15
French court of justice for the murder
00:42:17
of an Algerian man he really was
00:42:20
predicting. The same could be said of any
00:42:22
Colonial regime not least of all the
00:42:25
state of Israel and what's more
00:42:28
is what we're seeing being live streamed
00:42:31
before our very eyes is the bedrock of
00:42:34
European Colonial history, for which no
00:42:37
European or American figure has ever
00:42:41
stood trial for.
00:42:43
We live in a time of
00:42:44
multiple ongoing genocides,
00:42:47
of economic, political, and climate collapse
00:42:51
all these struggles and collapses have their roots
00:42:55
in colonialism the current reality feel
00:42:58
so dictated by bombs, by guns, by police
00:43:01
batons and by intimidation.
00:43:04
But I have to believe
00:43:06
that there is still something in
00:43:08
identifying the source of Oppression and
00:43:11
not only in a way that illuminates the
00:43:13
struggles against the oppressor but also
00:43:16
in a way that implicates and makes clear
00:43:19
that we are all implicated.
00:43:22
I think that is so crucial in
00:43:25
building an actual internationalist left
00:43:28
that I think is so needed to tackle some
00:43:31
of these structures and dismantle some
00:43:33
of these systems that are literally
00:43:34
making this world uninhabitable.
00:43:37
And so in this case in
00:43:39
specific it needs be said that genocide
00:43:42
is not only permissible under Zionism
00:43:45
but is a core facet of it.
00:43:47
In order for
00:43:48
this genocide to end in order for
00:43:51
anything resembling progress or
00:43:53
development within this so-called
00:43:55
conflict, Zionism and as a racist
00:43:58
supremacist, exclusionary, structure and
00:44:02
ideology needs to be dismantled.
00:44:05
I say this as a person who
00:44:07
comes from a country who has for decades
00:44:10
faced the violence and brutality of this
00:44:13
structure of this colonial project as
00:44:17
well as constantly resisted against it.
00:44:20
But I also say this as a person with a soul,
00:44:24
as a citizen of the world, who is so
00:44:27
constantly pained by the daily massacres
00:44:30
by the injustice and the suffering that
00:44:33
we are seeing live streamed every single day.
00:44:37
What's happening Gaza affects all of us
00:44:40
and it has totally altered the world we live in.
00:44:44
And I don't know how to end this
00:44:46
but for some reason I also feel
00:44:48
like I shouldn't be the one to do it.
00:44:50
so instead here's the last clip from Bisan's video.
00:45:32
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