00:00:01
Without
question, Roe versus Wade
00:00:03
is one of the most
controversial decisions.
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It's a case, but it's also a symbol.
00:00:07
It's the only Supreme Court case
00:00:10
that most Americans can cite by name.
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In a landmark
ruling, the Supreme Court today
00:00:15
legalized abortions.
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Roe is interesting
because it did articulate
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the right to abortion
as a fundamental right.
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What the Court was saying there was
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this is on par with other
sorts of fundamental rights.
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The right to marry,
the right to procreate,
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the right to take care of one's children.
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The Court split seven to two
00:00:39
with Justices Byron White and
William Rehnquist dissenting.
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The nine justices made abortion
largely a private matter.
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January 22nd, 1973
will be an historic day.
00:00:49
There's a certain sense
in which Roe versus Wade
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was a bolt out of the blue.
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The Supreme Court had never
before, even vaguely, suggested
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that restrictions on abortion
were constitutionally suspect.
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There's nothing in the history,
text, of the Constitution,
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or really of precedent, that
would support the decision.
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It took what was, really, a crime
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in most of the states in the United States,
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and in all, at some
point, and it turned it,
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overnight, into a constitutional right.
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That cannot help but be controversial.
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Jane Roe was a woman
in Texas who was pregnant
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and didn't want to have
her baby, but Texas had
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perhaps the strictest,
harshest, anti-abortion law
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in the country so that, even
if you were a documented victim
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of rape or incest, you
still were not allowed
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to have an abortion.
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It had the perfect state of facts,
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even though we now know they were a lie.
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They claimed that Norma
McCorvey was raped,
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that was not the case.
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But it seemed to be the most
sympathetic possible case.
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There was absolutely
no evidentiary record
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from the trial court.
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The case had been disposed
of on summary judgment.
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And so all you had were a
limited number of affidavits,
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but as far as all of the sort of questions
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that swirl around the
public policy concerns,
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there was absolutely
no evidentiary record.
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The case was put before
a three-judge panel
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of the Federal District Court in Dallas.
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And there was a unanimous decision
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to strike down the Texas law.
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I think the federal court in Texas
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was a little bit concerned
about his own jurisdiction
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to issue a statewide injunction.
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And I think they assumed that
the Texas legislature would
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realize that the law
had become unavailable.
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But before that could play out,
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the plaintiffs immediately
took it to the Supreme Court.
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The narrow question that
the Court accepted cert on
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was whether or not you
could access federal courts
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to make a federal constitutional claim
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while being subjected
to criminal prosecution.
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In other words, when a
doctor had been accused of
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performing an illegal
abortion, could they go into
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federal courts and claim, well, I had
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a federal constitutional right to provide
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these services to this woman.
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Roe was argued twice
before the Supreme Court.
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It was argued despite the fact that
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in between accepting the
case and arguing the case,
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two justices retired.
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So the Court had a choice to make.
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It ended up being argued
by a very young lawyer
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who was basically just out of law school,
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which is unheard of.
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That was pretty extraordinary.
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At least a couple of the
justices were deeply committed
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to taking an abortion case and wanted
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the opportunity to
address whether there was
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a constitutional right to abortion.
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But the grant for cert
was initially very narrow.
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And so, when counsel for Roe
attempted to make an argument
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that she had some sort
of constitutional right
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to abortion itself, that
was cut off pretty quickly
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because that simply wasn't the issue.
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As the drafts of the
decision were being prepared,
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President Nixon nominated
Justice Rehnquist
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and Justice Powell.
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And so, the thought was
that's kind of a big deal,
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and we really should have it
argued before a full Court,
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and so it was set up for new
argument in the fall of 1972.
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Because of the two
arguments, it strung out
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over a long time, because
you had two complete
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Supreme Court arguments,
two complete sittings.
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People talk about Roe
against Wade as if it was
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something unique that
dropped from the sky,
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dropped from the Supreme Court.
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But actually Roe was just the case
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that happened to get there first.
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But the lower courts were split.
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The split wasn't so much
about whether the woman had
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a right to make decisions
regarding abortion,
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but whether that right could be restricted
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because what was at stake was
the life of unborn children.
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Roe ended up being a case that had
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a lot of compelling facts to it.
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And it got there faster.
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Until 1973,
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the idea that abortion was
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something women had a
constitutional right to,
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and that states had no
authority to restrict
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was really an odd idea.
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That narrow procedural
question got transmuted,
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through the two years while
the case was in process,
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to the broader question
of whether there was a
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constitutional right to abortion.
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(film ticks)
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By the time Roe v. Wade came down,
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she'd actually already had the baby.
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So, the reason the case
continued was because
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there was a desire, both by litigants and
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by the Supreme Court, to address the issue,
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not because there was a
individual pressing case
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that someone brought.
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The first argument was
in the winter of 1971,
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but two justices had suddenly
died prior to that argument
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so they were short on the bench.
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They have the oral argument in Roe,
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shortly after, they have
the oral argument in
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a case called Eisenstadt versus Baird,
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which was about extending the
right to use contraception
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beyond married couples to single people.
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The right to privacy, as
invented by the Supreme Court,
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is the absolute foundation for
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the modern jurisprudence on abortion.
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Privacy is a bit of a lightning rod
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and had been a bit of a lightning rod
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because it is not clearly
established in the Constitution.
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In fact, there's no
references to privacy
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of the sort that would remotely
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have to do with contraception or other
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public morals laws of that nature.
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Substantive due process is
not actually described in Roe.
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It's invoked. It's
the underlying doctrine
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that gives us the right to privacy.
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So, the Fourteenth Amendment
has a Due Process Clause,
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as does the Fifth Amendment.
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The Fifth Amendment applies
to the federal government,
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the Fourteenth to the states.
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And it says that "no state
shall deprive any person
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of life, liberty, or property
without due process of law."
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And, basically, substantive
due process says that
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there are some rights that
are sufficiently important
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that the legislature can't
take them away, uh, arbitrarily
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without violating the Due Process Clause.
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Locational privacy is clearly
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in the text of the Constitution.
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And, I think it's fair to
say, freedom of thought
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has a privacy element.
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Then we move to this decisional privacy,
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which is the right to
make decisions without
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the government directing the outcome of
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the decision-making process.
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And then we get to the right
to act on the decision,
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regardless of the community's beliefs that
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that action is contrary to the public good
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or contrary to what we
would call state interests.
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The first opinion to suggest
there's a fundamental right
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to privacy was Griswold
versus Connecticut,
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which was a 1965 case holding that
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married couples have a
right to use contraception
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with a doctor's prescription,
contrary to a Connecticut law
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that banned such contraceptive uses.
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It's a violation of a right to privacy,
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it's a violation of
substantive due process,
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because this is the kind
of intimate decision,
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no different from who you marry,
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or whether you have children,
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or how you raise your children,
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that should be given to the individual
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and the state shouldn't be
able to interfere with that.
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Where did the Court
purport to find this right
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to marital privacy which includes
a right to contraceptives?
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Well, since the Court
couldn't find it in the text,
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the majority said that they found it in
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"penumbras formed by emanations"
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of various constitutional guarantees.
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Unsurprisingly, what
followed was a case that said,
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well, why should only married people
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have a right to access contraception?
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Single people should
have that right as well.
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And that was Eisenstadt versus Baird.
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Eisenstadt laid a far firmer foundation,
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at least rhetorically, for
the court to sit on in Roe.
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Griswold versus Connecticut
opinion had said that
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married couples have a right of privacy
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that inheres in marriage.
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And that is in the marital bedroom.
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These are sacred places;
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you don't interfere with this, the state.
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Eisenstadt said, you know,
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we're not going to use that
"penumbras and emanations"
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of other elements of the Bill of Rights.
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There was a constitutional
right for people
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to make decisions that are
very, very important to them.
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We call this a right of privacy.
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So what you have is a situation where
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what seemed to be a limited
right to privacy in Griswold
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that only applied to marital relationships
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now applies to all relationships.
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And then the next step in
Roe is to suggest that,
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rather than only applying
to contraceptives,
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that applies more
generally to the right of
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whether you want to have children or not.
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The Court, having heard
Eisenstadt in between
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the two arguments and having
decided it, can now say
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well, don't you see, we've just announced
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a substantive due process
right of privacy about matters
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so fundamental as the right
to decide whether to bear
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or beget a child, and,
gee, abortion is about
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the decision whether or not
to bear or beget a child.
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Fits perfectly.
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There was a practical
reason for the re-argument,
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but it ended up suiting
the decision to invent
00:10:44
a right to abortion, to a T.
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The arguments in favor
of Roe versus Wade,
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which finally persuaded the justices,
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were that abortion is a
purely private matter.
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And when matters are purely private,
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general constitutional
principles forbid the government
00:11:02
from intruding into them.
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The state of Texas
responded that, in fact,
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there was no basis in
the Constitution itself
00:11:12
for a right to abortion,
that a state government
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had regulated abortion either
through the common law crimes
00:11:20
or, at least beginning in
1832, through statutory crime.
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To suggest that the Fourteenth
Amendment included some sort of
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protection against
prohibition of abortion,
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simply disregarded the historical record.
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Instead of making a
relatively limited argument, uh,
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about the state's ability
to regulate abortion,
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they say that states
must regulate abortion,
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which no court, in the
United States at least,
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has ever held to be the case.
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That was kind of a surprising
argument in retrospect.
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So for Texas, it was really
a states' rights issue.
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And it was also an issue
about the obligation
00:11:55
that we usually say the
state has to protect
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people who can't protect themselves.
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Roe versus Wade seems crafted
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to stoke the debate on abortion.
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Its analysis of the right of privacy
00:12:09
is controversial in the first place.
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Is there such a thing
as a right of privacy?
00:12:14
Its extension of it to abortion.
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Roe said, we are not deciding
00:12:22
questions about the value
of life before birth,
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but it did.
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When the opinion was issued,
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there was big news that
day, Lyndon Johnson died.
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So, I'm not sure that the opinion
was actually page one news
00:12:42
in every newspaper in the country.
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It wasn't the sort of
spectacle that we witness today
00:12:47
with people standing on the
steps of the Supreme Court
00:12:49
shouting and waving flags,
ready to speak to the media
00:12:52
the minute they've read
the first four paragraphs
00:12:54
of the Court's syllabus.
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I'm quite confident
that they thought that
00:12:58
abortion would be kind of
integrated into American life
00:13:02
and become acceptable and disappear as
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a divisive political issue.
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It had exactly the opposite effect.
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So, Chief Justice Burger
assigned Justice Blackmun
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to write the opinion.
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Justice Blackmun,
when he was appointed to
00:13:21
the Supreme Court, was considered to be
00:13:23
a conservative judge from Minnesota.
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He had been counsel to the
American Medical Association.
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To work on the Roe
opinion, he spent some time
00:13:30
up in the Mayo Clinic Library.
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He'd been general
counsel at the Mayo Clinic.
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He was very tied into
the medical profession
00:13:38
and all of these elite
groups said it was time to
00:13:41
get rid of the regime of
criminal abortion laws.
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And so, I think that Justices as citizens
00:13:47
share that feeling.
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The entire beginning, essentially, of
00:13:50
the Blackmun opinion is all
about history and medicine.
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And it's about when
abortion became illegal
00:13:56
in the United States,
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what were the forces that led to that?
00:14:00
Doctors were very
involved in the efforts
00:14:04
in the mid to late 19th century
in criminalizing abortion.
00:14:08
And it was always seen
as a doctor's issue.
00:14:12
And so, the American
Medical Association itself, uh,
00:14:16
took the position that it was something
00:14:18
that doctors should not do.
00:14:20
The Court avoided entirely the fact that
00:14:23
states had banned abortion
on the grounds that
00:14:26
they were interested in children's lives.
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They claimed that the laws
banned abortion because
00:14:32
greedy doctors wanted a monopoly
on the practice of medicine
00:14:39
and abortion was being
done by unlicensed or
00:14:41
midwife, uh, practitioners
and the doctors wanted
00:14:45
to reign in and have control
of the medical profession.
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It seems a bit
paternalistic, uh, to us nowadays
00:14:51
to focus on the
doctor-patient relationship
00:14:53
rather than on the woman's own right,
00:14:55
but if you read the opinion,
and we have to remember,
00:14:57
at the time, doctors were
really, really well-respected
00:15:00
in American culture, so,
focusing on the fact that
00:15:03
a woman is doing this in
consultation with her doctor,
00:15:06
I think, at least, Justice Blackmun thought,
00:15:08
lent some intellectual and
cultural heft to the opinion.
00:15:12
It's not really a decision
about the rights of women,
00:15:15
it's a decision about
the rights of doctors,
00:15:17
because doctors were the only
ones who faced prosecution
00:15:20
for performing an illegal abortion.
00:15:22
And it's really a case
about the right of doctors
00:15:25
to practice medicine as
they saw fit on behalf of
00:15:29
their patients without
risking criminal prosecution.
00:15:33
And from there, he starts
to go into this evaluation
00:15:36
of what is at stake here, um,
00:15:39
and that's where we get
these two sides of the coin.
00:15:41
One is women being able to
make decisions about when
00:15:44
and if they become pregnant
and carry a pregnancy to term;
00:15:48
on the other side, the
state having interest in
00:15:51
potential life, and then
how we balance those things.
00:15:54
And the way he figures to
balance those things is
00:15:58
through this idea of
the trimester framework.
00:16:02
In the first trimester, when
abortion was relatively safe,
00:16:05
states could have no
regulation really whatsoever.
00:16:09
In the second trimester,
when abortions became
00:16:11
more dangerous, they
could have regulations
00:16:14
that were directed to
protecting the mother's
00:16:18
health and safety.
00:16:19
In the third trimester, many people think
00:16:21
abortion is banned, but
what the court said is
00:16:24
states could ban it "except
for life and health reasons,"
00:16:27
but then defined health
to include all factors,
00:16:31
physical, psychological, familial,
00:16:34
or the woman's age,
00:16:35
relevant to the well-being of the patient.
00:16:38
So, in other words, abortion,
at all times, for all reasons,
00:16:42
with no limits whatsoever.
00:16:44
Roe basically creates a floor.
00:16:46
You can't go below this, right?
00:16:48
So you can't completely
outlaw abortion services.
00:16:51
You can regulate in
really significant ways,
00:16:54
you can make it harder
for women to access,
00:16:56
but you cannot make it completely illegal.
00:17:00
There is not a recognition
of fetal personhood.
00:17:04
Although the state does have
an interest in unborn life,
00:17:09
that interest doesn't
sufficiently come into play
00:17:13
to outweigh the woman's choice until
00:17:16
the fetus would be
viable outside the womb.
00:17:19
So when the US Supreme Court decided Roe,
00:17:21
and they talked about Roe
as a fundamental right,
00:17:24
that was really important because
00:17:25
the fundamental rights analysis is
00:17:27
a strict scrutiny analysis.
00:17:29
And so it requires the
state have a compelling
00:17:31
state interest, and that
they regulate in a way that's
00:17:34
narrowly-tailored to achieve
that compelling state interest.
00:17:38
The state of Texas argued
that abortion laws were directed
00:17:42
at protecting women's health,
00:17:44
that abortion could have
longterm ill-effects to women,
00:17:48
but more importantly, they argued that
00:17:50
abortion was intended to protect both
00:17:53
the mother and the child.
That there was a child
00:17:57
from the moment of conception,
00:17:59
and that that child was
worthy of legal protection,
00:18:01
just like any other child.
00:18:03
Yes. States were concerned
about the lack of safety
00:18:06
of abortion, but they were
actually very, very concerned
00:18:09
about not killing life that
is human, that is vulnerable,
00:18:14
and that has no one
else to take care of it.
00:18:17
Justice Blackmun says there's never been
00:18:19
a concept of fetal personhood in the law.
00:18:23
He looks back at all the
cases having to do with
00:18:26
the right to privacy
and he said we look at
00:18:28
all of these together and we find
00:18:32
we have adopted a view
of a right to privacy
00:18:36
that is broad enough to
cover a woman's decision
00:18:39
whether or not to continue a pregnancy.
00:18:42
I think the Roe
decision has proven to be
00:18:45
a deep wound in the body politic.
00:18:48
The Court took upon
itself an issue that was
00:18:50
being addressed throughout the country,
00:18:52
with vigorous advocacy on both sides,
00:18:55
and finding some success,
for good or for ill,
00:18:58
by the change of laws
throughout the country
00:19:01
in a way that there's no textual basis.
00:19:04
It overturned the laws of all 50 states,
00:19:06
so it was pretty radical.
00:19:07
There was no even real
buildup, but I think people who
00:19:09
are philosophically
opposed to abortion feel
00:19:12
the Supreme Court decided
that they have nowhere to go
00:19:15
in the democratic process,
that their views are
00:19:17
just not valuable.
00:19:19
And that really angered people
and galvanized the movement.
00:19:22
The Court anchored Roe
in precedents of the time,
00:19:26
particularly in the precedent from 1965
00:19:29
that had established a
right to use contraception.
00:19:32
All of those cases come
out of an understanding
00:19:35
of the Fourteenth Amendment
protection for due process.
00:19:39
And that's something that's been with us
00:19:40
for quite a long time.
00:19:41
The Court doesn't go
around finding fundamental,
00:19:46
or even strong, constitutional
rights every day,
00:19:50
or every year, even.
00:19:51
If we, in fact, believe, and I do believe,
00:19:54
that the right to terminate
a pregnancy is one
00:19:57
that should exist in our
constitutional order,
00:20:00
then I think it should
be federally protected.
00:20:03
The fact that the Supreme
Court decision created
00:20:06
the basic right, I think
was really important.
00:20:09
It ensured that this debate
would continue for 40 plus,
00:20:15
now getting on for 50, years.
00:20:17
Whatever the policy should be,
00:20:19
the Constitution didn't settle it.
00:20:21
And the Court was wrong to
impose a particular policy.
00:20:24
When people think back
on it, they'll think back
00:20:27
to that phrase from
Justice White's dissent:
00:20:31
Roe was an act "of raw judicial power."